The World Food Program reports that “Ethiopia has made important development gains over
the past two decades, reducing poverty and expanding investments in basic social services.
However, food insecurity and malnutrition are still a major concern across the country; an
estimated 20.4 million people currently require food support. This includes internally displaced
persons (IDPs), who have had to leave their homes due to the conflict in the country’s north
and the severe drought in south and southeast.” This is a huge challenge that must be
addressed now.

Abiy has learned the hard way that in terms of power, Addis Ababans who defeated the tribalization of Addis Ababa schools pale in comparison to the EOTC. No institution in the entire continent of Africa has the power to mobilize support in comparison to EOTC. Apart from the Church’s institutional architecture that commands over 60 million members, other social institutions from ጽዋ to እድር are associated with the Orthodox social enterprise.

In today’s Ethiopia, ethnonationalist movements have continued to fuel inter-ethnic animosity and violence that continue to further weaken the country. A tolerant political culture and social capital that had long defined Ethiopians have become a thing of the past. Now that a possibility of religious violence is added to the list of problems that threaten the peace, the fragile state of Ethiopia is facing a major catastrophe that should not be taken lightly.

Today, the Abiy Administration upped its threat by telling the Church they cannot protest during the Sunday prayer session. Over a million Orthodox followers are expected to attend Church services to pray for the wellbeing of their Church. Obviously, the mass will overflow outside of Church compounds. This is common in Ethiopia when churches and mosques gather for prayer and peaceful protest.

The international community that is financing the Abiy administration has moral responsibility to ensure bullets that were bought with their funds are not used to kill Christians. In recent months, the Abiy government has been piling weapons and the PM has threatened the Church and its followers that his administration has tools that it has not used in the past.

Ethiopians of Tigrayan descent, residing both inside and outside of Tigray, have contacted this researcher to request greater scrutiny of grassroots Tigrayan opinion on the ongoing conflict in Northern Ethiopia. These “silenced voices” have been characterized by many Western analysts and English-language media as supportive of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a vanguard armed group that exercises authoritarian control of both the “Tigray government” and the “Tigray Defense Forces.”